West Papua's challenges: Our obligation to support Papuan human rights defenders

By Sofia Nazalya

Many would struggle to point out West Papua on a map, much less know of its resistance movement that took shape in the 1970s against authoritarian Indonesian rule. Since their annexation with Indonesia fifty years ago, West Papuans have had their most basic rights denied – fear of torture, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrest and what some call “slow-motion genocide” are just some of the issues that West Papuans are confronted with. Human rights organisations have pointed out how the Indonesian military who are at the heart of this conflict, is incapable of effective and just prosecution, given the light sentences charged to the three soldiers who were caught on film torturing West Papuan villagers. The military isn’t the only guilty party in West Papua – giant corporations such as mining company Freeport McMoran, are complicit in widespread human rights and environmental abuses. What with such violations, how close is West Papua in achieving basic human rights, let alone their dream of independence?

The lack of impartiality and credibility within the Indonesian military tribunals has created a culture of immunity. The recent case of the three videotaped soldiers is hardly a unique one.  The same special forces unit had in 2001 abducted and murdered Papuan activist and traditional leader Theys H. Eluay and were engaged in systematic arbitrary detention and ill-treatment of civilians in Merauke, Papua – none of these abuses have been addressed, with those implicated remaining in the military and in some cases even rising up in its ranks. The Obama administration’s decision to resume US military assistance to Kopassus after a decade-long ban will merely encourage immunity and disrespect for the human rights of many. Human Rights Watch has argued that stringent structural changes must be put in place before any resumption of military aid to the Indonesian military. An essential structural shift would be the changing of legislation in the Indonesian parliament to transfer the prosecution of abuses committed by military officials against civilians to civilian courts. This would be a step towards greater accountability in a country so fraught with corruption amongst official authorities. HRW has also noted that while there have been significant improvements in human rights since the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998, there is still a pressing need for military reform, given that Kopassus has yet to demonstrate genuine accountability to human rights abuses.

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West Papua is one of the richest places on earth in terms of resources attracting the world’s biggest oil, gas, timber and mineral corporations. One such giant is Freeport McMoRan, who is the single largest taxpayer in Indonesia, providing over half of West Papua’s GDP and a fifth of Indonesia’s tax base. They have been accused of being complicit in human rights abuses by employing security forces that were involved in death threats, mental torture, house arrest and surveillance of the Amungme people in West Papua. Their mining operations in the region have also caused environmental degradation, with illegal practices such as dumping 125,000 tons of mine waste into rivers every day. A suit filed against Freeport McMoRan in US federal court by Tom Beanal, the tribal leader of the Amungme people, also contained allegations of “cultural genocide” due to the destruction of the Amungme people’s habitat and religious symbols. In March 1996, rioters destroyed $3 million of equipment and ransacked Freeport McMoRan offices, signaling a climax in discontent amongst West Papuans frustrated with the ongoing violations of their rights. Freeport claims that it has spent $152 million on the community development fund by the end of 2004, but average Papuans still see few benefits that come from the royal and tax payment by Freeport and similarly other extractive industries. Under the Special Autonomy law that was passed in 2001, the tax payments received from these extractive industries should go to the benefit of the West Papuan province. Many Papuan leaders have however dismissed the Special Autonomy status as one designed to block independence, and not a law genuinely concerned with ceding more power to Papuans and addressing the structural problems they face. Beanal has largely dismissed Freeport’s claims to helping fund development projects, asserting that the company’s activities have resulted in the traditional culture of the lowland village of Timika being defaced with the presence of prostitution, AIDS, violence between soldiers and the police – an atmosphere that is protected by the military.

The prospect of a future that protects human rights seems distant for West Papuans, but there is hope. The recent emergence of nonviolent movements across West Papua is encouraging. While some are quick to label the Papuans ‘separatists’ or ‘terrorists’, nonviolent movements such as the Forum Demokrasi or ForDem demonstrate the potential of mass civilian-based movements who use nonviolent actions. ForDem leaders have spoken of the need to expand and consolidate influence between the different alliances in West Papua, and the need to address common every day issues and building solidarity amongst the different groups.  While this is no easy task, it’s one that Papuans have to undertake in their fight for freedom. With the recent forcing out of Peace Brigades International out of Indonesia, Papuan human rights defenders are at greater risk of being attacked or killed in carrying out their work. What is needed is added international pressure to allow a greater civil society presence in Indonesia as well as formulating ways in which to encourage and support the activities of local NGOs. By forging links with Northern NGOs, perhaps there will be a perception of greater political costs should human rights defenders be threatened or attacked. Clearly, greater public attention is needed on this relatively unknown issue – as human rights activists we must call for increased advocacy, especially in terms of wider press coverage regarding the issue. We must continue to pressure our governments to call on for military reform in Indonesia, especially given that Kopassus arguably plays the most prominent role in the ongoing abuses in West Papua. By taking these steps, we can support human rights defenders in Papua in their enduring fight for human rights. 

Sofia Nazalya is an MA student reading Human Rights at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies at the University of London. Her background is in Political Science and Religion Studies. She is keen on issues affecting her homeland region Southeast Asia, as well as other subjects such as labour and women's rights. She can be contacted at sofia.nazalya@postgrad.sas.ac.uk.