Response: Did the Internet matter in Tunisia and Egypt?

By: Lucy Purdon
In response to Nabila Ramdani's article and podcast on opendemocracy.net:

Freedom of information is now perceived as one of the biggest threats to governments on the verge of collapse. Knowledge, at last, is power. The part played by the relatively new phenomenon of social media in the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings certainly has value, in the speed at which information spreads and the potential to mobilise people but we shouldn't be too hasty in crowning social media as the catalyst for revolution.

Social media sites are not free spaces, as Ramdani says in the podcast with Tony Curzon Price, they are private companies with terms and conditions, run for profit. As Ethan Zuckerman wrote (and recently quoted by Sam Gregory of Witness),

"Hosting your political movement on YouTube is a little like trying to hold a rally in a shopping mall. It looks like a public space, but it's not- it's a private space, and your use of it is governed by an agreement that works harder to protect YouTube's fiscal viability than to protect your rights of free speech."

It's uncomfortable to see civil unrest in the Middle East defined by the social media outlet used to publicise it. To call the Egyptian uprising "the Facebook Revolution" (and Ramdani is not the only one guilty of this) is frankly insulting. A revolution cannot be branded and we should be skeptical of companies using their incidental involvement as a marketing tool and opportunity for brand development amidst chaos and suffering. Is "The MySpace Uprising" coming soon? I hear they could do with the publicity.

It is indeed telling that a government in a state of emergency will shut down the internet before rolling in the tanks. Ramdani states that "Internet Service Providers were shut down" [in Tunisia and Egypt], but this didnt stop the revolution; so really how big a part did the internet play? In his article "Why The Revolution Will Not Be Tweeted", Malcolm Gladwell wrote, "Where activists were once defined by their causes, they are no defined by their tools." In short, PCs don't start a revolution, people do.

There is also the very real issue of how to protect activists using platforms which jeopardise their anonymity. Morosov highlights in "The Net Delusion" how social media can be used against activists, for example surveillance, and the issue needs to be seriously addressed before social media can claim its place alongside the revolutionaries.

Morodov and Gladwell's arguments were not proved wrong by events in Tunisia and Egypt, they highlight the urgent need for enforcing the right to freedom of expression and reinforce a note of caution. If these tools are indeed now a staple of advocacy, activists need to learn to protect their safety and security online as well as offline and out on the streets.

Would these events have happened if social media didn't exist? We must remember the initial event that resulted in the fall of two dictators, uprisings across the Middle East and a newfound empowerment of the people. The suicide of Mohamed Bouazizi, who set himself on fire in Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia on December 17th 2010, was not posted on Facebook.

Lucy Purdon is a filmmaker and student at the School of Advanced Study completing the MA in Human Rights.  She currently works at the BBC and has produced independent documentaries distributed worldwide. Her blog can be found at www.theblogofrights.wordpress.com

It’s not all grim up North: North Korean Refugees in the UK Find Life Tough, Particularly with Looming Spending Cuts

By: Darren Southcott

Food shortages and societal collapse have brought record numbers of refugees fleeing the grip of the North Korean regime, yet for many the short crossing of the Tumen River into China brings more the life of the fugitive than the refugee. The years spent in hiding in China and the constant threat of deportation and imprisonment in the North Korean gulag make for a purgatory-like existence.

With over a quarter of a million people marching the streets of London on Saturday, the Refugee Council of the UK has stated that refugee community organisations around the country face closure, and further cuts to frontline services disproportionately impact refugees. Already amongst the most poverty-stricken in the UK, life could be about to get tougher for them.

Around 1,000 North Koreans currently live in the UK, having either arrived directly after leaving China or coming via South Korea. Even for those who receive refugee status there are few support systems available and the trauma of persecution increases their vulnerability.

The solace of UK refuge is tempered by lingering trauma, lost family and friends, and rebuilding a life from scratch, again. The UK’s dispersal system, whereby refugees are sent to outlying towns, often serves to isolate refugees and exacerbate community tensions, leaving them to suffer alone.

Some North Koreans live in northern towns isolated from support networks in London

One South Korean pastor, Mr Kim, is dedicated to helping refugees from the North and selflessly serves as a social worker, friend and confidant. Spread out across a handful of northern towns, the pastor connects the individuals to the larger community in London and also brings needed supplies and news not available locally. Although an active man of the church, the pastor extends help to all of those in need, regardless of religious background.

“I have seen and heard the dangers they face first-hand and now they remain traumatised, fearful and untrusting of strangers. On top of this they are alone in the community, so I try to be a friendly face they can see at least once a week,” he said. “Back in North Korea they could not even trust their close family members because of the risk from security forces, so they are distrustful of authority and strangers. I try to build trust so I can help as much as I can.”

I travelled with the pastor on his weekly rounds up to the northern English towns where a handful of refugees live. Their deep distrust and trauma necessitates anonymity, due to fear of reprisals from North Korean agents, who are still feared to be monitoring the community.

Driving up from London we arrive amid rows of identical terraces, in which the refugees live invisibly but stoically, building a new life against the odds. ‘Mr Jeong,’ living on a red-brick terraced-housing estate in a northern suburban town, says the new environment has brought fresh challenges to his family. We settle down in his sitting room, surrounded by pictures of his children proudly posing in traditional Korean dress.

“We have been targeted by some of the kids in the local area, which has caused great stress. We are isolated and have no friends around here and my son has been bullied at school. Look, I’m even losing some hair through the stress!” he said.

The psychological pain is compounded by heart problems precipitated by torture, making a mobility chair to get upstairs indispensible. Despite being a talented carpenter and chef he has been unable to find work since arriving three years ago. The meal he lays out for us is testament to his skills – as are the hand-made chairs – and his guests are treated to a range of Korean delicacies and staples. I asked him if he eats like this every day.

“We lived through so much hardship while in North Korea and close family members died. These memories stay with us and we want to enjoy every meal to its fullest,” he said.

He hopes to open a restaurant when his condition improves and his son seems to be a very capable partner, showing that academic excellence is a trait shared on either side of the DMZ-divide.

“He is top of his class in both English and Maths, despite only being here three years. I am very proud of him and all of my family. I do not want us to be a burden on anyone and once I am able to I want to work and provide for all of them,” he shared. “Once we are through this tough time I want to help others in need, just like Pastor Kim does now.”

This resilience and diligence is a quality shared in abundance by North Koreans, perhaps unsurprising given the horrors of their experiences. Waving our goodbyes, the Pastor took us on to the next town, again nestled amongst hills dotted with housing estates.

Mr Ko was living in a communal centre for refugees while awaiting the result of his claim for refugee status. Despite language and cultural barriers the refugees often spent time together at the library or in the sparsely furnished flat. It did not take long, however, before the realities of refugee life were brought home. Mr Ko explained that money had been withdrawn from his account unauthorised.

Crossing the Tumen into China at night (Source: The Daily Telegraph)

“I’m not sure why, but £10 is coming out every month. I tried to have it cancelled by the bank last week, but it is still coming out,” he said. “This is a large amount of money for me. I’m not sure if I clicked something online by accident, or not.”

Pastor Kim was sure that fraud was taking place and explained that this was not the first setback Mr Ko had experienced since leaving North Korea. “He has lost everything close to him and now he wants the opportunity to start his life afresh. The stress of everything has really taken its toll and I try to bring him food to keep him healthy. You can see by his condition that he rarely eats,” the Pastor said.

Coming from a relatively privileged background in North Korea, Mr Ko’s furrowed brow hints at the traumas that forced him to flee. Although nothing can compare to the persecution suffered at home, the transition to the UK had brought its own problems.

“At the moment I am just waiting for my appeal to go through. There is nothing I can do at the moment but wait, which makes me feel isolated. There are no other Koreans up here to support me, but I am thankful for the pastor’s trips to see me,” he said.

This feeling of isolation was becoming a common theme and as we drove off the pastor handed Mr Ko a bag of tortilla crisps, impelling ‘man-ee du-se-yo,’ a Korean plea to eat well. Set amongst the housing estates and boarded-up pubs of the town, the loneliness felt palpable and our thoughts were with him as we drove off.

The last of the pastor’s stops was in one of the larger northern English cities. Having felt its fair share of industrial decline, its recent resurgence had been knee-capped by the financial crisis and abandoned properties again marked the route into town. We turned down an eerily quiet row of terraces, before spotting some young children playing colourfully on the pavement.

“They’re here, they’re here,” the children shouted, as they ran into their house to fetch their mum and grandmother, Mrs Song. The children picked up their bicycles and took them inside, excitedly giggling at the arrival of their Pastor and friend.

It seemed a world away from the more subdued atmosphere at the other houses and as the Pastor began to lead the hymn-singing it was clear that despite their isolation they had found togetherness in each other and their religion. Immaculately dressed and behaved, the children were clearly a source of immense pride for the family.

“We have left behind so much misery that we are so happy to have been given this chance to start again,” Mrs S said. “The UK seemed like a mythical place to me before – it was completely unreal to us. Now I am here I am thankful for everything.”

Things were still tough for the family and psychological trauma was never far away, but hope for the future had alleviated some of that pain. The pastor also helped them with trips to London to see friends, which gave them connectedness to the wider community.

“We just want to make a happy life for our children now and try to move on with our lives. The people here have been so kind to us, especially the older generation, and we are grateful for that. Our boy is in nursery school now and we can really see a future for ourselves here. After what we came from it is hard to imagine where we are now,” she said.

From time to time the memories flood back and over coffee Mrs Song broke down, recalling her childhood and the nightmares that keep her awake at night. Her memories clearly shook her to the core, yet she remained strong.

“After what we have been through, we have no fear anymore; it is that which keeps us going,” she said.

It was at this point we had to leave and make our way back to London. The stories I heard will stay with me forever, yet the refugees cannot choose to pack up and leave them behind, as their past will follow them, wherever they go.

As the mobilisation against spending cuts gathers apace, as a society we must keep those deserving of support in mind. The moral test of a society is how it treats its weakest, and although we cannot all be a Pastor Kim, every little does help.

Links:

• If you would like to support North Korean refugees in China please visit here
• If you would like to support all refugees in the UK please visit here

Lifting the olive branch: Recognising the needs and securing the rights of the Bedouin in the Negev

By: Romana Ahmed


The Israeli government can make the first step to securing peace in the Negev - by acknowledging the needs and securing the rights of its Bedouin citizens in the region
The olive tree. A native tree species to Israel, and a biblical symbol of peace. Indeed, it was a dove carrying an olive leaf in its beak which informed Noah, a key religious figure in Judaism, Christianity and Islam, that God had taken mercy on humanity and the flood was over. In the village of al-Arakib in the Negev region of Israel however, the olive tree has come to symbolise anything but peace. For the Bedouin residents of al-Arakib, the uprooting of hundreds of olive trees in the village symbolises the destruction of their homes and their expulsion from what they see as their historic land, for which they claim to have land deeds pre-dating the existence of the State itself. For Israeli government law enforcement officials, the planting of these same olive trees, represents the intransience and determination of the Bedouin to occupy State-owned lands illegally.

Since the 27th of July of last year, clashes have broken out between the two sides over a dozen times, and makeshift homes have been erected - and then destroyed - over twenty times. The situation has left around 300 people homeless, many of whom now live in the village cemetery. But as this relentless cycle of rebuilding and demolishment persists, the government will have to deal with the current crisis and recognise and remedy the wider issues that al-Arakib has brought to light. This includes the need for economic investment in the Bedouin community, the positive implications of changing the legal status of Bedouin villages, and the right of the the Bedouin to live free of discrimination. Action of this kind will not only halt the expansion of the type of conflict seen in al-Arakib, but also help secure the rights of the Bedouin as Israeli citizens. Peace is not impossible in the Negev of Israel, but difficult work needs to be done to achieve it.

The Bedouin village of al-Arakib

The situation in al-Arakib has highlighted the precariousness of Israel's Bedouin community, particularly in the more than 40 legally unrecognised villages inhabited by around 62,000 people located mainly in the Negev region _[1]. In November 2008, the government-created Committee for the Regulation of Bedouin Settlements in the Negev (the Goldberg Commission), headed by retired Justice Eliezer Goldberg, concluded that "Israel must change the legal status of at least 46 villages so as to prevent the perpetuation of the community's unbearable state"_[2].

The "community's unbearable state" to which Justice Goldberg was referring, is one in which most unrecognised villages lack basic public services, such as municipal administration, running water, sewage, electricity, health care services, schools, and paved roads. According to the Galilee Society survey, as of 2007 approximately one quarter of the inhabitants of these villages lack sanitation facilities. Less than 0.5 per cent and 18 per cent of the houses are connected to the nationwide sewage and water systems, respectively, and more than 90 per cent are not connected to the nationwide electricity system but use private generators for electricity _[3]. The Bedouin of the Negev are by far Israel's most disadvantaged community in terms of per capita income, unemployment, poverty rate, education and public infrastructure _[4], and it is primarily the responsibility of the government to invest in their development – after all the Bedouin, alongside Arab-Israelis and Jews, are also Israeli citizens. 

Of course, the government will not invest in villages it does not recognise. As Justice Goldberg rightly acknowledged, a necessary prerequisite for development in Bedouin villages is a change in their legal status. In 2005, the government formed the Abu Basma Regional Council incorporating 11 Bedouin unrecognised and new villages, and allocated 470 million New Israeli Shekels for Council development projects _[5].  Indeed, although the deeds that al-Arakib and other Bedouin residents claim they have proving ownership since 1906 may not have any legal standing in Israeli courts, changing the legal status of the villages is more likely to lead to development in the region, thereby relieving the "unbearable state" of the community. The Israeli Declaration of Independence promises social and economic equality for all its inhabitants- Jewish and non-Jewish alike. This demands investment in its Bedouin minority to close the ever-widening poverty gap between it and the rest of Israeli society _[6]. Changing the legal status of Bedouin villages therefore, is a necessary means to achieve this end.

Affording some form of legal recognition to Bedouin villages in the Negev, and other such appropriate initiatives, also has additional benefits. Following the cycle of conflict in the village of al-Arakib, Ynetnews reported earlier this month that, in pursuant of the recommendations made by the Goldberg Commission, the government may grant ownership of 50 per cent of the lands the Bedouin currently occupy, and receive compensation for the other 50 per cent _[7]. Governmental initiatives which acknowledge the Bedouin link to this land, historically or otherwise, are likely to encourage stability in the region, or at the very least, halt the escalation of the kind of confrontation seen in al-Arakib over the last eight months.

The Israeli government however, needs to do more than change its own land and planning policies in order to prevent further hostilities. The government also needs to tackle the problem of discrimination towards its Bedouin minority. Testimonies of young Israelis cheering and singing "Am Israel Chai" [the people of Israel live] as bulldozers demolished the Bedouin village _[8] depicts an Israel in which not only are certain minorities excluded from "the people" but some Israelis celebrate as other citizens lose what they believe, rightly or wrongly, to be their home. The government should foster an environment conducive to respect, and in accordance with the Israeli Declaration of Independence. Inherent to the Declaration's promise of social equality is equality in terms of civil recognition - that "the people" include all citizens "without distinction" as the Declaration itself states. The Bedouin have the right to live free from discrimination, and if Israelis see the Bedouin as one of 'us' (a fellow Israeli) rather than the 'other', such events are less likely to occur in the future.

Another way of tackling discrimination is to actively discourage linking demolitions, legal status or even compensation to concepts such as the "Judaisation of the Negev". Ramat Negev Council head Shmulik Rifman for example, when discussing compensatory initiatives for the Bedouin to Ynetnews, did not discuss it in terms of social development for Bedouin citizens, or in terms of ending the conflict in the region. Rather, he stated the Bedouin settlement must be finalised "if one wants 70,000 Jews in the Negev"_[9]. Similarly, Oren Yifachel, professor of political geography at the nearby Ben-Gurion University claimed that afforestation has become a tool of the Judaisation of the Negev. "The authorities have uprooted thousands of olive trees to replace them with 'Jewish trees'. It's only our trees that matter" _[10].

Ethnically-charged language such as 'Judaising the Negev' will not only fuel discrimination towards Bedouin communities, but also accentuate and create ethnic, ideological and even religious divides, expanding the the current conflict beyond the village of al-Arakib into the rest of the Negev region - and maybe even beyond.

Linking 'Judaisation' to afforestation in particular, is likely to play a central role in the provocation of conflict for two reasons. First, the original mandate of the Jewish National Fund (JNF), the national foresters of Israel, was to purchase land for the settlement of Jews in Eretz Israel, operating under a restriction that it could not lease land to non-Jews _[11]. Second, the JNF acknowledges the donation of half a million trees from God TV, a Christian Zionist movement that believe Jews must return to the Holy Land as a prerequisite of the Second Coming of Christ _[12].

In June 2009, Attorney General Menachem Mazuz stated that JNF's lands must be administered on the basis of equality, and the JNF itself has and continues to work on behalf of the Bedouin community in the Negev. As part of its Blueprint Negev campaign for example, JNF's leadership meets with several Bedouin regional councils to assess community needs and develop solutions. It would be extremely unfortunate if JNF's current afforestation plan in the region overshadows positive work with the Bedouin, especially in al-Arakib where 6 people were wounded in clashes between residents and JNF officials last month.

If the Israeli government chooses to ignore the needs and rights of its Bedouin minority such as the need for economic investment, and the right to live free from discrimination, it runs the risk of helping marginalise and radicalise a key minority in the Negev. The Knesset's only Bedouin member, MK Talab El-Sana has warned "the State is pushing its Bedouin citizens to the point where they may launch an intifada, which will have severe results" _[13] - a statement echoed by many throughout Israeli society including celebrated Israeli novelist Amos Oz who referred to al-Arakib as a "ticking time-bomb" _[14] - a 'bomb' which will no doubt have effect in the whole region, if not the whole country.

Indeed, if the speculated Bedouin intifada takes on an ideological or religious demeanour, Arab- or Muslim-Israelis within and beyond the Negev could mobilise behind the Bedouin, possibly under the banner of the Islamic Movement. After the demolition of al-Arakib, the Islamic Movement, an organisation in Israel which follows the worldview of the Muslim Brotherhood, were quick to donate tents and offer help to the residents. This led one al-Arakib resident to claim, "You are pushing us directly into the welcoming arms of the Islamic movement" _[15]. Beyond the Negev however, the Movement is still popular in other parts of Israel such as Umm al-Fahm, the second largest Arab city in Israel _[16].

The olive trees in al-Arakib have gone, but let's hope any remaining notions of peace and the desire for peace have not. If the government shows willingness and initiative in managing the complicated task of balancing the notion of equality before the law (and therefore punishing anyone who illegally occupies state-land), with minority claims of the Bedouin community of their right to lands which they have traditionally owned and occupied - and accommodating civil equality with ethnic and religious diversity in Israeli society,  we may just see a white dove carrying an olive branch flying across the harsh terrain of the Negev desert. 

Links:

[1] http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2008/03/30/map

http://www.mmi.gov.il/static/HanhalaPirsumim/Beduin_information.pdf

[2] http://www.ynet.co.il/english/articles/0,7340,L-3637006,00.html

[3] The Galilee Society Survey, 2007, pp. 117-118.

[4]http://www.iataskforce.org/sites/www.iataskforce.org/files/Bedouin%20in%20the%20Negev%20April%202010.pdf

[5] http://www.mmi.gov.il/static/HanhalaPirsumim/Beduin_information.pdf

[6] http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/0/40/44394444.pdf

[7] http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4040664,00.html

[8] http://www.iataskforce.org/they-destroy-also-civilian

[9] http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4040664,00.html

[10] http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/mar/01/israelis-demolish-bedouin-village

[11]http://www.iataskforce.org/sites/www.iataskforce.org/files/Land%20and%20Planning%20May%202010.pdf

[12] http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/mar/01/israelis-demolish-bedouin-village

[13] http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Columnists/Article.aspx?id=210393

[14] http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/mar/01/israelis-demolish-bedouin-village

[15]http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/police-destroy-dozens-of-buildings-in-unrecognized-bedouin-village-in-negev-1.304443

[16]http://www.iataskforce.org/sites/www.iataskforce.org/files/Islamic%20Movement%20June%202010.pdf

Romana is currently studying for a Masters Degree in Understanding and Securing Human Rights at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, with Arab Citizens of Israel as her focus. She is an intern at the UK Task Force on issues facing Arab Citizens of Israel, a diverse, broad-based coalition of organizations committed to building a shared society between Israel's Jewish and Arab citizens. Romana has previously studied Social and Political Sciences at St Catharine's College, University of Cambridge.

A Small Act: A Film by Jennifer Arnold

This documentary debuted in the US last year, and has its debut in the UK on 15 April! Writing the World's Wrongs saw a special preview screening of it tonight and highly recommends it! It's very uplifting and inspiring. Here's the YouTube trailer:

You can learn more at www.asmallact.co.uk

No Silent Witness

By: Lianne Minasian and Vesna Jovic

Vesna Jovic and Lianne Minasian are both MA students in Understanding and Securing Human Rights at the University of London’s School of Advanced Study and are both particularly passionate about the situation of child soldiers worldwide.

Poverty, Inequality and Homelessness in the UK

By: Pamela MacKay

Pamela MacKay, 28, is studying Human Rights at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London. She has a degree in law in Bolivia and has interests in minority rights and poverty in developed and under developed countries. She can be contacted at pamela.mackay@postgrad.sas.ac.uk

West Papua's challenges: Our obligation to support Papuan human rights defenders

By Sofia Nazalya

Many would struggle to point out West Papua on a map, much less know of its resistance movement that took shape in the 1970s against authoritarian Indonesian rule. Since their annexation with Indonesia fifty years ago, West Papuans have had their most basic rights denied – fear of torture, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrest and what some call “slow-motion genocide” are just some of the issues that West Papuans are confronted with. Human rights organisations have pointed out how the Indonesian military who are at the heart of this conflict, is incapable of effective and just prosecution, given the light sentences charged to the three soldiers who were caught on film torturing West Papuan villagers. The military isn’t the only guilty party in West Papua – giant corporations such as mining company Freeport McMoran, are complicit in widespread human rights and environmental abuses. What with such violations, how close is West Papua in achieving basic human rights, let alone their dream of independence?

The lack of impartiality and credibility within the Indonesian military tribunals has created a culture of immunity. The recent case of the three videotaped soldiers is hardly a unique one.  The same special forces unit had in 2001 abducted and murdered Papuan activist and traditional leader Theys H. Eluay and were engaged in systematic arbitrary detention and ill-treatment of civilians in Merauke, Papua – none of these abuses have been addressed, with those implicated remaining in the military and in some cases even rising up in its ranks. The Obama administration’s decision to resume US military assistance to Kopassus after a decade-long ban will merely encourage immunity and disrespect for the human rights of many. Human Rights Watch has argued that stringent structural changes must be put in place before any resumption of military aid to the Indonesian military. An essential structural shift would be the changing of legislation in the Indonesian parliament to transfer the prosecution of abuses committed by military officials against civilians to civilian courts. This would be a step towards greater accountability in a country so fraught with corruption amongst official authorities. HRW has also noted that while there have been significant improvements in human rights since the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998, there is still a pressing need for military reform, given that Kopassus has yet to demonstrate genuine accountability to human rights abuses.

The video above contains graphic imagery that may be unpleasant to some.

West Papua is one of the richest places on earth in terms of resources attracting the world’s biggest oil, gas, timber and mineral corporations. One such giant is Freeport McMoRan, who is the single largest taxpayer in Indonesia, providing over half of West Papua’s GDP and a fifth of Indonesia’s tax base. They have been accused of being complicit in human rights abuses by employing security forces that were involved in death threats, mental torture, house arrest and surveillance of the Amungme people in West Papua. Their mining operations in the region have also caused environmental degradation, with illegal practices such as dumping 125,000 tons of mine waste into rivers every day. A suit filed against Freeport McMoRan in US federal court by Tom Beanal, the tribal leader of the Amungme people, also contained allegations of “cultural genocide” due to the destruction of the Amungme people’s habitat and religious symbols. In March 1996, rioters destroyed $3 million of equipment and ransacked Freeport McMoRan offices, signaling a climax in discontent amongst West Papuans frustrated with the ongoing violations of their rights. Freeport claims that it has spent $152 million on the community development fund by the end of 2004, but average Papuans still see few benefits that come from the royal and tax payment by Freeport and similarly other extractive industries. Under the Special Autonomy law that was passed in 2001, the tax payments received from these extractive industries should go to the benefit of the West Papuan province. Many Papuan leaders have however dismissed the Special Autonomy status as one designed to block independence, and not a law genuinely concerned with ceding more power to Papuans and addressing the structural problems they face. Beanal has largely dismissed Freeport’s claims to helping fund development projects, asserting that the company’s activities have resulted in the traditional culture of the lowland village of Timika being defaced with the presence of prostitution, AIDS, violence between soldiers and the police – an atmosphere that is protected by the military.

The prospect of a future that protects human rights seems distant for West Papuans, but there is hope. The recent emergence of nonviolent movements across West Papua is encouraging. While some are quick to label the Papuans ‘separatists’ or ‘terrorists’, nonviolent movements such as the Forum Demokrasi or ForDem demonstrate the potential of mass civilian-based movements who use nonviolent actions. ForDem leaders have spoken of the need to expand and consolidate influence between the different alliances in West Papua, and the need to address common every day issues and building solidarity amongst the different groups.  While this is no easy task, it’s one that Papuans have to undertake in their fight for freedom. With the recent forcing out of Peace Brigades International out of Indonesia, Papuan human rights defenders are at greater risk of being attacked or killed in carrying out their work. What is needed is added international pressure to allow a greater civil society presence in Indonesia as well as formulating ways in which to encourage and support the activities of local NGOs. By forging links with Northern NGOs, perhaps there will be a perception of greater political costs should human rights defenders be threatened or attacked. Clearly, greater public attention is needed on this relatively unknown issue – as human rights activists we must call for increased advocacy, especially in terms of wider press coverage regarding the issue. We must continue to pressure our governments to call on for military reform in Indonesia, especially given that Kopassus arguably plays the most prominent role in the ongoing abuses in West Papua. By taking these steps, we can support human rights defenders in Papua in their enduring fight for human rights. 

Sofia Nazalya is an MA student reading Human Rights at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies at the University of London. Her background is in Political Science and Religion Studies. She is keen on issues affecting her homeland region Southeast Asia, as well as other subjects such as labour and women's rights. She can be contacted at sofia.nazalya@postgrad.sas.ac.uk.

Elimination of Racial Discrimination

All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights...?

By: Damien Edenfield

On the 21^st March, 1960 police began shooting upon protestors peacefully demonstrating against racially discriminatory apartheid laws in Sharpeville, South Africa. 69 died. Hundreds were injured. Six years later, in commemoration of their courageous struggle, the UN General Assembly declared this symbolic date the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, calling upon the international community to increase efforts to combat racial discrimination, and upon states to heed their obligations under human rights law, two of the most fundamental principles of which are equality and non-discrimination.  

South Africa’s apartheid system has since been abolished, and across the world, similarly inspiring and courageous movements for racial equality have flourished. From the stunning resilience of the American civil rights movement to the belated realisation of native title rights in Australia. What’s more, both international and national legal structures designed to combat racism have proliferated in recent years. Indeed, 174 states have ratified the UN International Convention for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, indicating an almost universal commitment (and legal obligation) to eradicating racism.

We have reason to be hopeful therefore, jubilant even ... but we should not be complacent. Denying millions their fundamental rights, racism, in all its repugnant forms, continues to scourge the globe...

In the institutionalised and societal discrimination of minority groups: “40% of Iran’s population is made up of non-Persian minorities, who have almost no say in the country’s future” (Minority Rights Group International, 2011).  

In the xenophobic intolerance with which migrants are met, in every nation, every single day: Cities across Italy have seen mob violence and 186 individual assaults targeting migrants, Roma and Italians of foreign descent (Human Rights Watch, 2011). 

In the waging of ethnic conflict: Think Somalia, Sudan, Sri Lanka... 

In the continued political and societal marginalisation of indigenous peoples: of which there are 370 million across the globe. Making up 5% of the world’s population, but 15% of the world’s poor (!), indigenous peoples remain politically and economically excluded and staggeringly over-represented among the poorest, the illiterate and the destitute (UN State of the World’s Indigenous Peoples). 

In the neglected victims of caste-based discrimination: The treatment of Dalits in India has been dubbed a ‘hidden apartheid’ by Human Rights Watch. Dalit communities are segregated in schools and housing, subject to forced labour, police brutality, state-sponsored violence, rape and killings. Their rights to life, security, education, health and housing knowingly and regularly violated. 

Racial discrimination then, is not only a noxious display of the worst and most incomprehensible facets of humanity, often perpetrated in personal acts of prejudice. An Indian man, 58 years old, beaten, doused with gasoline, set on fire? But beyond this, particularly when institutionalised or socially embedded, it destabilises development, is a causal factor of conflict, a perpetuator of poverty and an instigator of social and economic inequality. It is, in short, the antithesis of human rights.  

This year’s International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination focused upon people of African descent, many of whom, the “progeny of victims of the transatlantic slave trade, one of the greatest stains on human conscience, continue to be excluded and marginalised to this day”, Navi Pillay. During this, the International Year for People of African Descent, Ms Pillay’s contentions could not be more accurate. You need not take her word (nor mine) for this.

Here in the UK alone, the statistics are unsettling. To mention but a couple, according to The Runnymede Trust, “individuals with ‘African sounding surnames’, will need to send twice as many job applications as those with a traditionally English name to even get an interview, whilst young African males are nearly 8 times as likely to be stopped and searched as their white counterparts.” These statistics are far from the most shocking, but rather are indicative of the insidious and institutionalised racism we have yet to overcome.    

This is of course a reality which far exceeds the boundaries of the UK, and my examples throughout are a mere handful amongst far too many. So, what, I hear you ask, can be done about all this? I would humbly suggest that, for those who recognise the dignity of each human person, who recognise that development can only come when every person has equal access to housing, jobs, food, health, political participation. That peace will only prevail when people are no longer persecuted for their ethnicity. Those who believe that there is beauty in equality, and in diversity and unity all at the same time, must speak out now, if only to persuade the person next to you of the same.  

Martin Luther King once said of the US civil rights movement, “the greatest tragedy ... was not the strident clamour of the bad people, but the appalling silence of the good people”.  

So, good people, let us continue to remind our governments of their obligations. Let us remind them and our neighbours, and ourselves, that a black man is a white man is a (hu) man, and that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.  Let us speak out against racism in all its forms (if only to complain to the BBC about Midsomer Murders!). Each small gesture of solidarity might just strengthen the resolve of those still struggling for equality every day.       

[Please, in the spirit of the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, and the European-wide Action Week Against Racism (14-27 March), visit United Against Racism at http://www.unitedagainstracism.org/pages/act11arw.htm and join in the campaign, or just learn a little more and spread the word! Unite against Racism!!]


Damien Edenfield is reading International Relations at the University of Southern California. 

Education is not prepartion for life: education is life itself

By Francesca Clixby

As the endless stream of charity fundraisers remind me morning and night on entry and exit of my local train station, there are thousands of children in desperate need of access to education. And frankly, these exist in much greater numbers than merely thousands.  UNESCO figures highlight that a massive 115 million children are excluded from primary school education worldwide. When one considers the enormity of these statistics in light of John Dewey’s words above, it is a sobering thought to realise the disadvantaged start to life which millions of boys and girls around the world are experiencing. Indeed Jeffrey Sachs told the latest World Innovation Summit for Education (WISE) in Qatar, that ‘without even a primary education, anybody is condemned to poverty in this world today’.

Yet as begrudging commuters often argue to defend their lack of interest to the flocking fundraisers, haven’t we been trying to do something about this for years? Are we doing someone wrong? In 2000, the United Nations Millennium Summit led to states agreeing on 8 commitments for international development: goal 2 was to achieve universal primary education. The objective of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) was to have achieved the measurable aims by 2015. So in terms of the target for education, this should mean that by 2015 all boys and girls will be in a position to enjoy a full course of primary school education by 2015. Specifically, that requires gender disparities to be eliminated from primary education by 2015. That target deadline is moving every closer and it is clear that we, the international community, have far to go before celebrating success. 94 countries, for example, missed the goal of getting an equal number of girls as boys into school by 2005.

So why is action taken to date not kept us on course for achieving our 2015 target? Many criticisms can be levelled at the MDGs and a great proportion ought to be given serious consideration. However, there are a growing number of voices calling for an approach based on the realisation of human rights – a concept noticeably absent in the language drafted in the Millennium Declaration’s goals. Relating to education, numerous widely ratified human rights treaties provide for universal education as a right. Enshrined in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, this right has been echoed in the International Covenant on Economic and Social Rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention for the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women. These obligations all require states - who have committed themselves to these treaties - to respect, protect and fulfil the right to education for all. The leading advocate of the Global Campaign for Education operates with the fundamental argument that universal education is a right which must, and can, be realised.

 But states need resources and financial backing in order to fulfil their obligations to all individuals of the right to education. And in the reality of a fragile global economy recovering from recession, these resources and financial support are even harder to secure for funding education programmes.  The Global Campaign for Education (GCE) reported a US $12 billion donor aid shortfall in 2010 and those countries in the most desperate need for aid did not receive it. The GCE then called on the Education For All High Level Group (monitoring body for the Education for All Goals published at the 2000 Dakar World Education Forum) to ensure urgent international measures were taken to move closer towards the goal of universal primary education.

 One of the most effective strategies employed in leveraging pressure onto states to act and international institutions to financially support them has been to make arguments based on economics. Plan International’s published its ‘Paying the Price’ report in 2008, as part of the ‘Because I am A Girl’ campaign, which highlighted the economic cost to states of failing to educate girls to the same standard as boys. The report put this cost as US$ 92 billion each year for 65 low and middle income states. The sheer scale of the cost –thus money lost – cannot fail but to engage states to take notice of a problem which is digging deep into their pockets. Plan International urges states that investment in girls’ education as a result ‘will deliver real returns’.

Some may be critical of arguments which rely on the economics of taking action to persuade states to fulfil their obligations of universal primary education. They believe that as parties to treaties which provide for such rights, states have legal obligations to fulfil and shouldn’t only do so when it makes financial sense. However, in acknowledging the reality of states’ slow progress to date of realising their obligations, shouldn’t we be pursuing the arguments which encourage states to take action? In highlighting the financial returns of investing in girls, we are not disregarding their rights to education but instead using the most effective leverage tool possible to ensure their rights are fulfilled. This pragmatism does not lose sight of the right of every child to education but is a vehicle to ensure that we can move more quickly than before to reducing the vast number of children for whom the right to education is a dream only written on paper in words they cannot read. Education is life itself: if we want to ensure this for all children we must persuade states using arguments to which they will listen and act on.

Francesca Clixby is a student at the Institute of Commonweath Studies (School of Advanced Study, University of London) studying for a Masters in Human Rights. She comes to London having graduated from Durham with a LLB (Law). She can be contacted at Francesca.Clixby@postgrad.sas.ac.uk

Using Space Technology to Monitor Global Crises: How Satellite Technology Contributes to Human Rights

By: Kevin McQueen

 Figure 1: Earth Rise: Seeing the rock we call home. Photo credit: NASA

The first manmade rocket ever launched into orbit took place on 4 October 1957. The Soviet R-7 ICBM launched the Sputnik satellite, and the Space Race between the Soviet Union and the United States. This space race heightened the fears of the Cold War and caused widespread concern on both sides of the ideological divide. While the Space Race may have begun as a competition against enemy states, it eventually evolved into a cooperative nature with the Apollo-Soyuz Test Mission that united the two powers in space. This cooperation morphed into wider international participation, culminating in the International Space Station, which is currently in orbit and unites space agencies from North and South America, Europe, and Asia. When nations pitted against one another realised that cooperative efforts would have a greater benefit in terms of technological improvement, a boom in technological advancement took place. Space programs have been responsible for such advancements as kidney dialysis, CAT and MRI scans, freeze-dried food, water purification, cordless power tools, GPS, light emitting diodes (LEDs), Tempur foam, and even the popularisation of Velcro. Perhaps the greatest technological advancement space exploration has offered though is the ability for mankind to look back down at earth and see humanity’s impact on the rock we call home. From climate science, geology, and even migratory patterns, satellites have for nearly a half-century been changing the way we see the world. It is surprising then that only recently have satellite imagery and technology been used to further the efforts of human rights activists.

This is beginning to change, however, with the proliferation of private companies launching satellites with high-resolution photography capabilities. One such initiative is the Satellite Sentinel Project, spearheaded by actor George Clooney and founded through collaboration with Not on Our Watch, The Enough Project, Google, UNOSAT, DigitalGlobe, the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, and Trellon, LLC. This project has used private commercial satellites to photograph areas of Sudan to monitor the human rights situation. The photographs have shown from above the destruction of whole villages, including the burning of 300 mostly civilian buildings in one village in Darfur, Sudan, in March 2011. These satellite images allow for evidence to be collected in areas where journalists and human rights activists are often barred. Governments that otherwise prevent access to areas where human rights violations occur cannot prevent these images from being released, thus raising the pressure the international community can exert.

Figure 2: Satellite imagery of a burned village in Darfur, March 2011. Photo credit: Satellite Sentinel Project

Satellite imagery can also be used to monitor troops on a border, protests in cities, or the effects of climate change on communities. Previously only available to national security apparatuses like militaries, the proliferation of satellite imagery can now be used by almost anyone. Jonathan Huston of Project Enough, says this “give[s] some early warning[s] to the world, and give[s] people a chance to get involved, to pressure policy-makers, to press for quick and immediate responses.” It is the hope, says Huston, that with this technology the old phrase “what if they threw a war and nobody came?” can be changed to “what if they threw a war and everybody came to stop it? That's the power of crowd-sourcing information, using public technology platforms and leading edge advocacy for waging peace."

Darfur is not the only region of the world where this technology has been used and can be valuable. With the string of anti-government protests arising in the Middle East and North Africa over the past few months, this technology can be used to monitor the size of crowds and government responses, and pressure both sides to act within international law. DigitalGlobe, the leading company in the field of private satellite image capturing, has captured images of the protests in Libya, Egypt, Yemen, and Bahrain, and distributed them widely.

 Figure 3: Protesters in Tahrir Square during the 2011 Egyptian protests. Photo credit: DigitalGlobe

The future of this technology will only get better as satellites acquire sharper resolution cameras; more NGOs adopt it; and it continues to receive exposure in mass and social media. It is especially imperative that activists in global climate change and in conflict resolution use this technology to advocate for their causes. There is a multitude of science to suggest that there is dangerous climate change taking place across the planet, but reports written for the academic community rarely use language accessible by someone without a degree in that field. A picture, however, to use the cliché, says a thousand words. The same concept applies to a report of a military mobilisation by a government attempting to quell a rebellion versus a picture of that same scenario. There is a visceral reaction to a photo that written words rarely can match, and satellite technology has unlocked the entire world for the first time. Now anyone, anywhere has access to the entire world. 

Figure 4: A picture says a thousand words: climate change showing ice cover in 2006 (left) and 2007 (right) in Alaska. Photo credit: US National Imagery Systems

The images from satellites make us rethink what we know about the world and those who live in it. Whether for climate change data, military operations, GPS navigation, satellite television, or human rights activism, satellite technology has changed the world in ways our ancestors could never have imagined. Now that space is no longer purely the domain of governments, the private sector and the non-profit sector can make alliances that allow for real progress in human rights monitoring. Can this really lead to a burgeoning change in how humans interact and treat each other? DigitalGlobe spokesperson Stephen Wood puts it this way: “the Satellite Sentinel project is designed to see events before they will happen, and to make sure that the world knows that it's watching and… do what we can as a group to try and prevent another genocide and another event like Darfur.” Space exploration has been responsible for the creation or promotion of some life-changing innovations on earth, from kidney dialysis, CAT scans and Velcro. Now we can hope that space technology leads to promoting another innovation: peace.

Kevin McQueen is a MA student in Understanding and Securing Human Rights at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London. He has a BA in History from the University of Florida. He can be contacted at kevin.mcqueen@postgrad.sas.ac.uk