Tuesday, 5 April 2011

Amnesty International UK
PRESS RELEASE
EMBARGOED:
01.00hrs Monday 14 March 2010

SWAZILAND MUST REFORM LAWS TO ENSURE EQUALITY FOR WOMEN

Amnesty International UK activists hold vigil at the High Commission of the Kingdom of Swaziland in London to demand rights for Swazi women.



Amnesty International UK activists stood in vigil outside the High Commission of the Kingdom of Swaziland in London on the Centenary of International Women’s Day, Tuesday 8th March. The vigil was also attended by activists from Action for Southern Africa and the Institute of Commonwealth Studies

Domestic legislation in Swaziland includes Acts which discriminate against women, while vital laws necessary to protect and promote the rights of women are absent or inadequate. This is despite the fact that Swaziland made international and national commitments to end discrimination against women over five years ago, and has been given practical and financial support from the international community to reform the law.

The current status of the law reduces Swazi women to second-class citizens, and contributes to a situation in which they are disproportionately affected by poverty and HIV.

Amnesty International UK’s Regional Coordinator for Southern Africa, Simon Bennett said:
"The current status of the law in Swaziland is such that many women are put in a vulnerable situation, facing violence and discrimination and having nowhere to turn.

“Each day that passes due to unexplained delays in the process of reforming the relevant domestic laws is another day too long”.

“Amnesty International urges the government of the Kingdom of Swaziland to make public the process and timeline for the completion of a comprehensive law reform process to ensure that Swazi women do not continue to encounter obstacles to the enjoyment of their human rights.”


ENDS

Amnesty International UK media information:
Niall Couper: 020 7033 6414, niall.couper@amnesty.org.uk
Harriet Garland: 020 7033 1549, harriet.garland@amnesty.org.uk
Out of hours: 07721 398984, www.amnesty.org.uk

Simon Bennett is the Amnesty International UK Regional Coordinator for Southern Africa and is currently reading for an MA in Understanding and Securing Human Rights at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London.  Please visit the AIUK Southern Africa Team's web page at http://www.amnesty.org.uk/content.asp?CategoryID=10474

Thursday, 31 March 2011

Response: Did the Internet matter in Tunisia and Egypt?

By: Lucy Purdon
In response to Nabila Ramdani's article and podcast on opendemocracy.net:


Freedom of information is now perceived as one of the biggest threats to governments on the verge of collapse. Knowledge, at last, is power. The part played by the relatively new phenomenon of social media in the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings certainly has value, in the speed at which information spreads and the potential to mobilise people but we shouldn't be too hasty in crowning social media as the catalyst for revolution.

Social media sites are not free spaces, as Ramdani says in the podcast with Tony Curzon Price, they are private companies with terms and conditions, run for profit. As Ethan Zuckerman wrote (and recently quoted by Sam Gregory of Witness),

"Hosting your political movement on YouTube is a little like trying to hold a rally in a shopping mall. It looks like a public space, but it's not- it's a private space, and your use of it is governed by an agreement that works harder to protect YouTube's fiscal viability than to protect your rights of free speech."

It's uncomfortable to see civil unrest in the Middle East defined by the social media outlet used to publicise it. To call the Egyptian uprising "the Facebook Revolution" (and Ramdani is not the only one guilty of this) is frankly insulting. A revolution cannot be branded and we should be skeptical of companies using their incidental involvement as a marketing tool and opportunity for brand development amidst chaos and suffering. Is "The MySpace Uprising" coming soon? I hear they could do with the publicity.

It is indeed telling that a government in a state of emergency will shut down the internet before rolling in the tanks. Ramdani states that "Internet Service Providers were shut down" [in Tunisia and Egypt], but this didnt stop the revolution; so really how big a part did the internet play? In his article "Why The Revolution Will Not Be Tweeted", Malcolm Gladwell wrote, "Where activists were once defined by their causes, they are no defined by their tools." In short, PCs don't start a revolution, people do.

There is also the very real issue of how to protect activists using platforms which jeopardise their anonymity. Morosov highlights in "The Net Delusion" how social media can be used against activists, for example surveillance, and the issue needs to be seriously addressed before social media can claim its place alongside the revolutionaries.

Morodov and Gladwell's arguments were not proved wrong by events in Tunisia and Egypt, they highlight the urgent need for enforcing the right to freedom of expression and reinforce a note of caution. If these tools are indeed now a staple of advocacy, activists need to learn to protect their safety and security online as well as offline and out on the streets.

Would these events have happened if social media didn't exist? We must remember the initial event that resulted in the fall of two dictators, uprisings across the Middle East and a newfound empowerment of the people. The suicide of Mohamed Bouazizi, who set himself on fire in Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia on December 17th 2010, was not posted on Facebook.

Lucy Purdon is a filmmaker and student at the School of Advanced Study completing the MA in Human Rights.  She currently works at the BBC and has produced independent documentaries distributed worldwide. Her blog can be found at www.theblogofrights.wordpress.com

It’s not all grim up North: North Korean Refugees in the UK Find Life Tough, Particularly with Looming Spending Cuts

By: Darren Southcott


Food shortages and societal collapse have brought record numbers of refugees fleeing the grip of the North Korean regime, yet for many the short crossing of the Tumen River into China brings more the life of the fugitive than the refugee. The years spent in hiding in China and the constant threat of deportation and imprisonment in the North Korean gulag make for a purgatory-like existence.
With over a quarter of a million people marching the streets of London on Saturday, the Refugee Council of the UK has stated that refugee community organisations around the country face closure, and further cuts to frontline services disproportionately impact refugees. Already amongst the most poverty-stricken in the UK, life could be about to get tougher for them.
Around 1,000 North Koreans currently live in the UK, having either arrived directly after leaving China or coming via South Korea. Even for those who receive refugee status there are few support systems available and the trauma of persecution increases their vulnerability.
The solace of UK refuge is tempered by lingering trauma, lost family and friends, and rebuilding a life from scratch, again. The UK’s dispersal system, whereby refugees are sent to outlying towns, often serves to isolate refugees and exacerbate community tensions, leaving them to suffer alone.
Some North Koreans live in northern towns isolated from support networks in London
One South Korean pastor, Mr Kim, is dedicated to helping refugees from the North and selflessly serves as a social worker, friend and confidant. Spread out across a handful of northern towns, the pastor connects the individuals to the larger community in London and also brings needed supplies and news not available locally. Although an active man of the church, the pastor extends help to all of those in need, regardless of religious background.
“I have seen and heard the dangers they face first-hand and now they remain traumatised, fearful and untrusting of strangers. On top of this they are alone in the community, so I try to be a friendly face they can see at least once a week,” he said. “Back in North Korea they could not even trust their close family members because of the risk from security forces, so they are distrustful of authority and strangers. I try to build trust so I can help as much as I can.”
I travelled with the pastor on his weekly rounds up to the northern English towns where a handful of refugees live. Their deep distrust and trauma necessitates anonymity, due to fear of reprisals from North Korean agents, who are still feared to be monitoring the community.
Driving up from London we arrive amid rows of identical terraces, in which the refugees live invisibly but stoically, building a new life against the odds. ‘Mr Jeong,’ living on a red-brick terraced-housing estate in a northern suburban town, says the new environment has brought fresh challenges to his family. We settle down in his sitting room, surrounded by pictures of his children proudly posing in traditional Korean dress.
“We have been targeted by some of the kids in the local area, which has caused great stress. We are isolated and have no friends around here and my son has been bullied at school. Look, I’m even losing some hair through the stress!” he said.
The psychological pain is compounded by heart problems precipitated by torture, making a mobility chair to get upstairs indispensible. Despite being a talented carpenter and chef he has been unable to find work since arriving three years ago. The meal he lays out for us is testament to his skills – as are the hand-made chairs – and his guests are treated to a range of Korean delicacies and staples. I asked him if he eats like this every day.
“We lived through so much hardship while in North Korea and close family members died. These memories stay with us and we want to enjoy every meal to its fullest,” he said.
He hopes to open a restaurant when his condition improves and his son seems to be a very capable partner, showing that academic excellence is a trait shared on either side of the DMZ-divide.
“He is top of his class in both English and Maths, despite only being here three years. I am very proud of him and all of my family. I do not want us to be a burden on anyone and once I am able to I want to work and provide for all of them,” he shared. “Once we are through this tough time I want to help others in need, just like Pastor Kim does now.”
This resilience and diligence is a quality shared in abundance by North Koreans, perhaps unsurprising given the horrors of their experiences. Waving our goodbyes, the Pastor took us on to the next town, again nestled amongst hills dotted with housing estates.
Mr Ko was living in a communal centre for refugees while awaiting the result of his claim for refugee status. Despite language and cultural barriers the refugees often spent time together at the library or in the sparsely furnished flat. It did not take long, however, before the realities of refugee life were brought home. Mr Ko explained that money had been withdrawn from his account unauthorised.
Crossing the Tumen into China at night (Source: The Daily Telegraph)
“I’m not sure why, but £10 is coming out every month. I tried to have it cancelled by the bank last week, but it is still coming out,” he said. “This is a large amount of money for me. I’m not sure if I clicked something online by accident, or not.”
Pastor Kim was sure that fraud was taking place and explained that this was not the first setback Mr Ko had experienced since leaving North Korea. “He has lost everything close to him and now he wants the opportunity to start his life afresh. The stress of everything has really taken its toll and I try to bring him food to keep him healthy. You can see by his condition that he rarely eats,” the Pastor said.
Coming from a relatively privileged background in North Korea, Mr Ko’s furrowed brow hints at the traumas that forced him to flee. Although nothing can compare to the persecution suffered at home, the transition to the UK had brought its own problems.
“At the moment I am just waiting for my appeal to go through. There is nothing I can do at the moment but wait, which makes me feel isolated. There are no other Koreans up here to support me, but I am thankful for the pastor’s trips to see me,” he said.
This feeling of isolation was becoming a common theme and as we drove off the pastor handed Mr Ko a bag of tortilla crisps, impelling ‘man-ee du-se-yo,’ a Korean plea to eat well. Set amongst the housing estates and boarded-up pubs of the town, the loneliness felt palpable and our thoughts were with him as we drove off.
The last of the pastor’s stops was in one of the larger northern English cities. Having felt its fair share of industrial decline, its recent resurgence had been knee-capped by the financial crisis and abandoned properties again marked the route into town. We turned down an eerily quiet row of terraces, before spotting some young children playing colourfully on the pavement.
“They’re here, they’re here,” the children shouted, as they ran into their house to fetch their mum and grandmother, Mrs Song. The children picked up their bicycles and took them inside, excitedly giggling at the arrival of their Pastor and friend.
It seemed a world away from the more subdued atmosphere at the other houses and as the Pastor began to lead the hymn-singing it was clear that despite their isolation they had found togetherness in each other and their religion. Immaculately dressed and behaved, the children were clearly a source of immense pride for the family.
“We have left behind so much misery that we are so happy to have been given this chance to start again,” Mrs S said. “The UK seemed like a mythical place to me before – it was completely unreal to us. Now I am here I am thankful for everything.”
Things were still tough for the family and psychological trauma was never far away, but hope for the future had alleviated some of that pain. The pastor also helped them with trips to London to see friends, which gave them connectedness to the wider community.
“We just want to make a happy life for our children now and try to move on with our lives. The people here have been so kind to us, especially the older generation, and we are grateful for that. Our boy is in nursery school now and we can really see a future for ourselves here. After what we came from it is hard to imagine where we are now,” she said.
From time to time the memories flood back and over coffee Mrs Song broke down, recalling her childhood and the nightmares that keep her awake at night. Her memories clearly shook her to the core, yet she remained strong.
“After what we have been through, we have no fear anymore; it is that which keeps us going,” she said.
It was at this point we had to leave and make our way back to London. The stories I heard will stay with me forever, yet the refugees cannot choose to pack up and leave them behind, as their past will follow them, wherever they go.
As the mobilisation against spending cuts gathers apace, as a society we must keep those deserving of support in mind. The moral test of a society is how it treats its weakest, and although we cannot all be a Pastor Kim, every little does help.
Links:
  • If you would like to support North Korean refugees in China please visit here
  • If you would like to support all refugees in the UK please visit here

Lifting the olive branch: Recognising the needs and securing the rights of the Bedouin in the Negev

By: Romana Ahmed


The Israeli government can make the first step to securing peace in the Negev - by acknowledging the needs and securing the rights of its Bedouin citizens in the region
The olive tree. A native tree species to Israel, and a biblical symbol of peace. Indeed, it was a dove carrying an olive leaf in its beak which informed Noah, a key religious figure in Judaism, Christianity and Islam, that God had taken mercy on humanity and the flood was over. In the village of al-Arakib in the Negev region of Israel however, the olive tree has come to symbolise anything but peace. For the Bedouin residents of al-Arakib, the uprooting of hundreds of olive trees in the village symbolises the destruction of their homes and their expulsion from what they see as their historic land, for which they claim to have land deeds pre-dating the existence of the State itself. For Israeli government law enforcement officials, the planting of these same olive trees, represents the intransience and determination of the Bedouin to occupy State-owned lands illegally.

Since the 27th of July of last year, clashes have broken out between the two sides over a dozen times, and makeshift homes have been erected - and then destroyed - over twenty times. The situation has left around 300 people homeless, many of whom now live in the village cemetery. But as this relentless cycle of rebuilding and demolishment persists, the government will have to deal with the current crisis and recognise and remedy the wider issues that al-Arakib has brought to light. This includes the need for economic investment in the Bedouin community, the positive implications of changing the legal status of Bedouin villages, and the right of the the Bedouin to live free of discrimination. Action of this kind will not only halt the expansion of the type of conflict seen in al-Arakib, but also help secure the rights of the Bedouin as Israeli citizens. Peace is not impossible in the Negev of Israel, but difficult work needs to be done to achieve it.





The Bedouin village of al-Arakib
The situation in al-Arakib has highlighted the precariousness of Israel's Bedouin community, particularly in the more than 40 legally unrecognised villages inhabited by around 62,000 people located mainly in the Negev region [1]. In November 2008, the government-created Committee for the Regulation of Bedouin Settlements in the Negev (the Goldberg Commission), headed by retired Justice Eliezer Goldberg, concluded that "Israel must change the legal status of at least 46 villages so as to prevent the perpetuation of the community's unbearable state"[2].

The "community's unbearable state" to which Justice Goldberg was referring, is one in which most unrecognised villages lack basic public services, such as municipal administration, running water, sewage, electricity, health care services, schools, and paved roads. According to the Galilee Society survey, as of 2007 approximately one quarter of the inhabitants of these villages lack sanitation facilities. Less than 0.5 per cent and 18 per cent of the houses are connected to the nationwide sewage and water systems, respectively, and more than 90 per cent are not connected to the nationwide electricity system but use private generators for electricity [3]. The Bedouin of the Negev are by far Israel's most disadvantaged community in terms of per capita income, unemployment, poverty rate, education and public infrastructure [4], and it is primarily the responsibility of the government to invest in their development – after all the Bedouin, alongside Arab-Israelis and Jews, are also Israeli citizens. 

Of course, the government will not invest in villages it does not recognise. As Justice Goldberg rightly acknowledged, a necessary prerequisite for development in Bedouin villages is a change in their legal status. In 2005, the government formed the Abu Basma Regional Council incorporating 11 Bedouin unrecognised and new villages, and allocated 470 million New Israeli Shekels for Council development projects [5].  Indeed, although the deeds that al-Arakib and other Bedouin residents claim they have proving ownership since 1906 may not have any legal standing in Israeli courts, changing the legal status of the villages is more likely to lead to development in the region, thereby relieving the "unbearable state" of the community. The Israeli Declaration of Independence promises social and economic equality for all its inhabitants- Jewish and non-Jewish alike. This demands investment in its Bedouin minority to close the ever-widening poverty gap between it and the rest of Israeli society [6]. Changing the legal status of Bedouin villages therefore, is a necessary means to achieve this end.

Affording some form of legal recognition to Bedouin villages in the Negev, and other such appropriate initiatives, also has additional benefits. Following the cycle of conflict in the village of al-Arakib, Ynetnews reported earlier this month that, in pursuant of the recommendations made by the Goldberg Commission, the government may grant ownership of 50 per cent of the lands the Bedouin currently occupy, and receive compensation for the other 50 per cent [7]. Governmental initiatives which acknowledge the Bedouin link to this land, historically or otherwise, are likely to encourage stability in the region, or at the very least, halt the escalation of the kind of confrontation seen in al-Arakib over the last eight months.

The Israeli government however, needs to do more than change its own land and planning policies in order to prevent further hostilities. The government also needs to tackle the problem of discrimination towards its Bedouin minority. Testimonies of young Israelis cheering and singing "Am Israel Chai" [the people of Israel live] as bulldozers demolished the Bedouin village [8] depicts an Israel in which not only are certain minorities excluded from "the people" but some Israelis celebrate as other citizens lose what they believe, rightly or wrongly, to be their home. The government should foster an environment conducive to respect, and in accordance with the Israeli Declaration of Independence. Inherent to the Declaration's promise of social equality is equality in terms of civil recognition - that "the people" include all citizens "without distinction" as the Declaration itself states. The Bedouin have the right to live free from discrimination, and if Israelis see the Bedouin as one of 'us' (a fellow Israeli) rather than the 'other', such events are less likely to occur in the future.

Another way of tackling discrimination is to actively discourage linking demolitions, legal status or even compensation to concepts such as the "Judaisation of the Negev". Ramat Negev Council head Shmulik Rifman for example, when discussing compensatory initiatives for the Bedouin to Ynetnews, did not discuss it in terms of social development for Bedouin citizens, or in terms of ending the conflict in the region. Rather, he stated the Bedouin settlement must be finalised "if one wants 70,000 Jews in the Negev"[9]. Similarly, Oren Yifachel, professor of political geography at the nearby Ben-Gurion University claimed that afforestation has become a tool of the Judaisation of the Negev. "The authorities have uprooted thousands of olive trees to replace them with 'Jewish trees'. It's only our trees that matter" [10].

Ethnically-charged language such as 'Judaising the Negev' will not only fuel discrimination towards Bedouin communities, but also accentuate and create ethnic, ideological and even religious divides, expanding the the current conflict beyond the village of al-Arakib into the rest of the Negev region - and maybe even beyond.

Linking 'Judaisation' to afforestation in particular, is likely to play a central role in the provocation of conflict for two reasons. First, the original mandate of the Jewish National Fund (JNF), the national foresters of Israel, was to purchase land for the settlement of Jews in Eretz Israel, operating under a restriction that it could not lease land to non-Jews [11]. Second, the JNF acknowledges the donation of half a million trees from God TV, a Christian Zionist movement that believe Jews must return to the Holy Land as a prerequisite of the Second Coming of Christ [12].

In June 2009, Attorney General Menachem Mazuz stated that JNF's lands must be administered on the basis of equality, and the JNF itself has and continues to work on behalf of the Bedouin community in the Negev. As part of its Blueprint Negev campaign for example, JNF's leadership meets with several Bedouin regional councils to assess community needs and develop solutions. It would be extremely unfortunate if JNF's current afforestation plan in the region overshadows positive work with the Bedouin, especially in al-Arakib where 6 people were wounded in clashes between residents and JNF officials last month.

If the Israeli government chooses to ignore the needs and rights of its Bedouin minority such as the need for economic investment, and the right to live free from discrimination, it runs the risk of helping marginalise and radicalise a key minority in the Negev. The Knesset's only Bedouin member, MK Talab El-Sana has warned "the State is pushing its Bedouin citizens to the point where they may launch an intifada, which will have severe results" [13] - a statement echoed by many throughout Israeli society including celebrated Israeli novelist Amos Oz who referred to al-Arakib as a "ticking time-bomb" [14] - a 'bomb' which will no doubt have effect in the whole region, if not the whole country.

Indeed, if the speculated Bedouin intifada takes on an ideological or religious demeanour, Arab- or Muslim-Israelis within and beyond the Negev could mobilise behind the Bedouin, possibly under the banner of the Islamic Movement. After the demolition of al-Arakib, the Islamic Movement, an organisation in Israel which follows the worldview of the Muslim Brotherhood, were quick to donate tents and offer help to the residents. This led one al-Arakib resident to claim, "You are pushing us directly into the welcoming arms of the Islamic movement" [15]. Beyond the Negev however, the Movement is still popular in other parts of Israel such as Umm al-Fahm, the second largest Arab city in Israel [16].

The olive trees in al-Arakib have gone, but let's hope any remaining notions of peace and the desire for peace have not. If the government shows willingness and initiative in managing the complicated task of balancing the notion of equality before the law (and therefore punishing anyone who illegally occupies state-land), with minority claims of the Bedouin community of their right to lands which they have traditionally owned and occupied - and accommodating civil equality with ethnic and religious diversity in Israeli society,  we may just see a white dove carrying an olive branch flying across the harsh terrain of the Negev desert. 






Links:


[3] The Galilee Society Survey, 2007, pp. 117-118.














Romana is currently studying for a Masters Degree in Understanding and Securing Human Rights at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, with Arab Citizens of Israel as her focus. She is an intern at the UK Task Force on issues facing Arab Citizens of Israel, a diverse, broad-based coalition of organizations committed to building a shared society between Israel's Jewish and Arab citizens. Romana has previously studied Social and Political Sciences at St Catharine's College, University of Cambridge.

Wednesday, 30 March 2011

A Small Act: A Film by Jennifer Arnold

This documentary debuted in the US last year, and has its debut in the UK on 15 April! Writing the World's Wrongs saw a special preview screening of it tonight and highly recommends it! It's very uplifting and inspiring. Here's the YouTube trailer:


You can learn more at www.asmallact.co.uk

Tuesday, 29 March 2011

No Silent Witness

By: Lianne Minasian and Vesna Jovic


Vesna Jovic and Lianne Minasian are both MA students in Understanding and Securing Human Rights at the University of London’s School of Advanced Study and are both particularly passionate about the situation of child soldiers worldwide.

Monday, 28 March 2011

Poverty, Inequality and Homelessness in the UK

By: Pamela MacKay


Pamela MacKay, 28, is studying Human Rights at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London. She has a degree in law in Bolivia and has interests in minority rights and poverty in developed and under developed countries. She can be contacted at pamela.mackay@postgrad.sas.ac.uk